Saturday, April 11, 2015
Breaking! PDP Chairman, One Other Shot Dead In Ebonyi
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TWO persons were reportedly shot dead in the early hours of Saturday by unknown gunmen in the state.
The victims include a middle aged man, Mr. Mike Ojor in Ikwo Nnoyo in Ikwo local government area and the Chairman of Peoples Democratic Party, PDP in Ishielu LGA of the state, Mr. Emeka Nworie.
The mastermind of the dastardly act are said to be thugs allegedly loyal to an opposition political party in the state.
A source close to Vanguard revealed that the late PDP chairman was attacked in his house in Ezzagu in Ishielu LGA and shot several times by his assailants.
Confirming the incident, the state Police spokesman, ASP Chris Anyanwu stated the assailants before killing the PDP stalwart asked for money which was generously given to them but still went ahead to kill their victim.
The victims include a middle aged man, Mr. Mike Ojor in Ikwo Nnoyo in Ikwo local government area and the Chairman of Peoples Democratic Party, PDP in Ishielu LGA of the state, Mr. Emeka Nworie.
The mastermind of the dastardly act are said to be thugs allegedly loyal to an opposition political party in the state.
A source close to Vanguard revealed that the late PDP chairman was attacked in his house in Ezzagu in Ishielu LGA and shot several times by his assailants.
Confirming the incident, the state Police spokesman, ASP Chris Anyanwu stated the assailants before killing the PDP stalwart asked for money which was generously given to them but still went ahead to kill their victim.
@blackboxupdate
Top FIVE States Which Would Be Hotspots At Today's Polls According To The BBC
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Here is a report by the BBC on today's Guber elections...
Here is a report by the BBC on today's Guber elections...
Nigeria's 36 state governors wield enormous power and influence – some have control of budgets larger than neighbouring countries.
This weekend Nigerians will be voting for 29 of them – two weeks after the historic vote which saw veteran opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari defeat Goodluck Jonathan, the incumbent president.
It will also be a titanic battle between Mr Jonathan's People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) of Gen Buhari.
Here are the five most important battlegrounds:
Lagos
The commercial hub of the country, it has been under the opposition rule since the return of democracy in 1999. It is estimated to have a GDP of $91bn (£62bn), higher than 42 countries in Africa, according one of the candidates for governor.
Although cosmopolitan, the state had two Muslim governors in the last 16 years, including the outgoing Babatunde Fashola credited with transforming its chaotic nature with various development projects.
In an attempt to balance the equation, two Christians are now vying for the top job: Akinwumi Ambode of the APC and Jimi Agbaje of the PDP.
The PDP did fairly well in the presidential vote in Lagos, so it is going to be a tight race – and its candidate is very popular within the Igbo community, which controls substantial business enterprises.
It will be the biggest blow to the incoming government if it loses Lagos, which is the most populous and industrialised state with the highest non-oil revenue earnings.
This weekend Nigerians will be voting for 29 of them – two weeks after the historic vote which saw veteran opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari defeat Goodluck Jonathan, the incumbent president.
It will also be a titanic battle between Mr Jonathan's People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) of Gen Buhari.
Here are the five most important battlegrounds:
Lagos
The commercial hub of the country, it has been under the opposition rule since the return of democracy in 1999. It is estimated to have a GDP of $91bn (£62bn), higher than 42 countries in Africa, according one of the candidates for governor.
Although cosmopolitan, the state had two Muslim governors in the last 16 years, including the outgoing Babatunde Fashola credited with transforming its chaotic nature with various development projects.
In an attempt to balance the equation, two Christians are now vying for the top job: Akinwumi Ambode of the APC and Jimi Agbaje of the PDP.
The PDP did fairly well in the presidential vote in Lagos, so it is going to be a tight race – and its candidate is very popular within the Igbo community, which controls substantial business enterprises.
It will be the biggest blow to the incoming government if it loses Lagos, which is the most populous and industrialised state with the highest non-oil revenue earnings.
Rivers
This is a battle for the control of the largest oil wells in the country.
A PDP stronghold, it has been a flash point of violence in the run-up to the elections, with APC saying 55 of its members have been killed.
Some estimates put the GPD of oil-rich Rivers state at $21bn
But there have been tensions in Rivers during this election season
The outgoing governor, Rotimi Amaechi, was elected on a PDP ticket four years ago but defected to join the APC and led Gen Buhari's campaign.
Many see him as an "unpatriotic son" of the Niger Delta who fought against his fellow southerner, Mr Jonathan.
His chosen successor is the APC's Dakuku Peterside. However, the powerful first lady, Patience Jonathan, who hails from the state, is backing the PDP's Nyesom Wike.
The task ahead of the winner will be to mediate between multi-national oil firms and the disgruntled communities who complain of environmental pollution and neglect.
Kaduna
The beating heart of northern politics – many of the political elite live there – it also tends be a political melting point as the state is divided with Muslims in the north and Christians in the south
It has witnessed much ethno-religious violence in which thousands of people died since 1999.
The APC has fielded Nasir El-Rufai, the former minister of Abuja who transformed the capital into a modern city and demolished illegal structures.
The incumbent PDP governor, Mukhtar Ramalan Yero is under intense pressure as the APC won the state in the presidential vote. Mr Yero came to power two years ago after the death in a plane crash of the only Christian governor of Kaduna.
Whoever wins faces the task of promoting peace amongst the diverse ethnic groups, especially between Fulani herdsmen and farming communities.
Taraba
History could be made in this impoverished state close to the Cameroonian border if Aisha Jummai Alhassan of the APC wins, becoming Nigeria's first female governor.
Could Aisha Jummai Alhassan become Nigeria's first female governor?
A former court worker and a Muslim, she faces a hurdle in a state where Christians have ruled for the last 16 years.
Her PDP opponent, Darius Ishaku, is a former minister who has the support of mostly Christian communities and has a financial backer with deep pockets.
Taraba is equally divided between Muslim and Christian, and also faces ethnic and religious problems.
And while Ms Alhassan is popular amongst Muslims, she may find it difficult to attract the more conservative Muslim voters.
Imo
At the heart of the south-east and home to the Igbo ethnic group, the people overwhelmingly voted for PDP in the presidential and parliamentary elections.
However, the incumbent APC governor, Owelle Rochas Okorocha, is by no means a write-off.
Rochas Okorocha is an important figure within the APC…
But the south is traditionally loyal to the PDP, so Emeka Ihedioha may beat the incumbent
He is powerful within the APC – and the region may feel it needs someone with influence to fight their corner with the incoming APC government.
He faces the PDP's Emeka Ihedioha, the outgoing deputy speaker of the House of Representatives who has the important backing of Mr Jonathan.
BBN further believes asides these states, other states to watch out for are OYO where two former governors and a former Senate Leader are battling the incumbent.
Also Adamawa should also be closely observed as Nigeria's former anti corruption chief, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu battles the APC candidate who also has the support of former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar.
@blackboxupdate
Etcetera Writes On Igbos
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Etcetera who became popular for his weekly articles than he was when he was a musician is back with his controversial articles and this week it's about the Igbos and how they are unjustly treated. Read and enjoy ..............
The Igbos are the wandering Jews of West Africa… gifted, aggressive, Westernised; at best envied and resented, but mostly despised by the mass of their neighbors in the federation – Henry Kessinger (famous American diplomat) Back in the days, men made fortune out of war, war was business. But today, the Igbos are making fortune out of business, because business is the new war. Before we talk about the plight of the Igbos in Nigeria, let us start by defining a word that has been frequently used by the Igbos to define their situation in the country, marginalisation!
According to a good number of dictionaries, to "marginalise" means "to treat someone or something as if they are unimportant." It also means "to take or keep somebody away from the centre of action." Another dictionary defined it as "relegating someone or a group of people to a lower or outer edge of a community or society." For so long, the Igbos have bitterly cried out against apparent marginalisation by the Federal Goverment of Nigeria. There is almost a zero federal presence in the east, despite the fact that the eastern region is the most technologically advanced of all the regions. This suggests unequivocally that the Igbo-speaking Nigerians have been unjustly treated. There is a well calculated ploy by the powers that be from other ethnic nationalities to ensure that the Igbo region stays perennially underdeveloped.What the Igbos are going through can be traced to none other than Yakubu Gowon.
Gowon should explain why apeople who were by far the dominant majority ethnic group were suddenly relegated to only one out of the three states created by him in the old Eastern region. Why alter demography just to make the Igbos a minority in a region where they were the majority? Since then, the Igbos haven't been able to get this injustice reversed and till date, they have seen more states and local governments created in other regions across the country. Nigerian historians are unanimous that the 1963 census remains the most transparent in the country till date. The 1963 census stated that one out of every four Nigerians was an Igbo, which means that if things were done equitably in this country, the Igbos should have a 25 per cent representation in all federal institutions as well as a 25 per cent share of all states and local governments created since independence.We must tell ourselves the truth and stop living in denial. Nigeria as it stands today is sitting on a keg of gun powder and if we must stay together as a country, we have to sit down and discuss the terms and conditions of our coexistence.
No section of the country should be treated better than others. I have heard some northerners mutter several times that power belongs to them. "Born to rule," the old Sokoto State slogan is a clearconfirmation of what has been psyched into the system of every northerner. And they keep saying "One Nigeria?" Isn't it obvious that the northerners are more Nigerians than other Nigerians? That's why they could openly threaten the nation with violence like they did in the just concluded presidential election. It was peddled about that if Buhari had lost the election, there would have been trouble in the country and as a result, a lot of people voted against their wishes especially in the north. So many issues need to be addressed in this country.
For example, how do you explain why Arabic is on the naira when the official language of the country is English? How do you explain why an Hausa man is allowed to carry daggers freely when others get arrested for carrying a razor blade? Please, can someone explain to me who the real Hausas are? I have travelled to virtually all the northern states and in most of the states, the people I met claimed not to be Hausas but from other tribes. According to them, that they spoke fluent Hausa doesn't mean they are Hausas. Nancy who's from Kaduna always makes it known to whoever cares to listen that she's not Hausa but Zango Kataf. My guitarist who's from Nasarawa State grumbles whenever I call him an Hausa man. Amina, my Fulani neighbour screams and curses whenever I call her an Hausa lady. So who then are the real Hausas?
What states are they occupying? Stop using politics to bamboozle me that Hausa is a majority. Stop using politics to lump Hausa and Fulani together because you want me to think you are highly populated. In the just concluded presidential election, Katsina State had over two million eligible voters, I have been to Katsina several times and I can't remember ever seeing so many people there. How did they come about the figures in the presidential election? May God save this country from desperate politicians because it doesn't make any sense politicising the population of the North when we see otherwise each time we travel there. It is in the same light they claimed Kano was more populated than Lagos in the census conducted during Obasanjo's regime. We are tired of these lies. If we must remain an indivisible country, the true population of the Hausas, Igbos and Yorubas and every other ethnic group in this country must be made public as well as the number of Christians and Muslims. Enough of the Hausa-Fulani scam or the Zango Kataf man being counted as Hausa. Finally, the fact that other ethnic groups see the marginalisation of the Igbos as relative or just a perception and not based on the objective realities on ground is a shame. The Nigerian army today cannot produce a bullet but the boys in Awka are producing not only bullets but guns. An unbiased Federal Government would have taken advantage of that and create employment as well as exporting to generate money for the country. With a little government encouragement, Aba can easily rival the industralised nations of the world in production. If Ndigbo won't be allowed to enjoy the freedom, to develop and maximise their collective andindividual potential through unfettered access, use and exploitation of God-given resources – human and material, the country might soon be plunged into another years of Biafra vs Nigeria and this time around, there will be a victor and a vanquished.
The Igbos are the wandering Jews of West Africa… gifted, aggressive, Westernised; at best envied and resented, but mostly despised by the mass of their neighbors in the federation – Henry Kessinger (famous American diplomat) Back in the days, men made fortune out of war, war was business. But today, the Igbos are making fortune out of business, because business is the new war. Before we talk about the plight of the Igbos in Nigeria, let us start by defining a word that has been frequently used by the Igbos to define their situation in the country, marginalisation!
According to a good number of dictionaries, to "marginalise" means "to treat someone or something as if they are unimportant." It also means "to take or keep somebody away from the centre of action." Another dictionary defined it as "relegating someone or a group of people to a lower or outer edge of a community or society." For so long, the Igbos have bitterly cried out against apparent marginalisation by the Federal Goverment of Nigeria. There is almost a zero federal presence in the east, despite the fact that the eastern region is the most technologically advanced of all the regions. This suggests unequivocally that the Igbo-speaking Nigerians have been unjustly treated. There is a well calculated ploy by the powers that be from other ethnic nationalities to ensure that the Igbo region stays perennially underdeveloped.What the Igbos are going through can be traced to none other than Yakubu Gowon.
Gowon should explain why apeople who were by far the dominant majority ethnic group were suddenly relegated to only one out of the three states created by him in the old Eastern region. Why alter demography just to make the Igbos a minority in a region where they were the majority? Since then, the Igbos haven't been able to get this injustice reversed and till date, they have seen more states and local governments created in other regions across the country. Nigerian historians are unanimous that the 1963 census remains the most transparent in the country till date. The 1963 census stated that one out of every four Nigerians was an Igbo, which means that if things were done equitably in this country, the Igbos should have a 25 per cent representation in all federal institutions as well as a 25 per cent share of all states and local governments created since independence.We must tell ourselves the truth and stop living in denial. Nigeria as it stands today is sitting on a keg of gun powder and if we must stay together as a country, we have to sit down and discuss the terms and conditions of our coexistence.
No section of the country should be treated better than others. I have heard some northerners mutter several times that power belongs to them. "Born to rule," the old Sokoto State slogan is a clearconfirmation of what has been psyched into the system of every northerner. And they keep saying "One Nigeria?" Isn't it obvious that the northerners are more Nigerians than other Nigerians? That's why they could openly threaten the nation with violence like they did in the just concluded presidential election. It was peddled about that if Buhari had lost the election, there would have been trouble in the country and as a result, a lot of people voted against their wishes especially in the north. So many issues need to be addressed in this country.
For example, how do you explain why Arabic is on the naira when the official language of the country is English? How do you explain why an Hausa man is allowed to carry daggers freely when others get arrested for carrying a razor blade? Please, can someone explain to me who the real Hausas are? I have travelled to virtually all the northern states and in most of the states, the people I met claimed not to be Hausas but from other tribes. According to them, that they spoke fluent Hausa doesn't mean they are Hausas. Nancy who's from Kaduna always makes it known to whoever cares to listen that she's not Hausa but Zango Kataf. My guitarist who's from Nasarawa State grumbles whenever I call him an Hausa man. Amina, my Fulani neighbour screams and curses whenever I call her an Hausa lady. So who then are the real Hausas?
What states are they occupying? Stop using politics to bamboozle me that Hausa is a majority. Stop using politics to lump Hausa and Fulani together because you want me to think you are highly populated. In the just concluded presidential election, Katsina State had over two million eligible voters, I have been to Katsina several times and I can't remember ever seeing so many people there. How did they come about the figures in the presidential election? May God save this country from desperate politicians because it doesn't make any sense politicising the population of the North when we see otherwise each time we travel there. It is in the same light they claimed Kano was more populated than Lagos in the census conducted during Obasanjo's regime. We are tired of these lies. If we must remain an indivisible country, the true population of the Hausas, Igbos and Yorubas and every other ethnic group in this country must be made public as well as the number of Christians and Muslims. Enough of the Hausa-Fulani scam or the Zango Kataf man being counted as Hausa. Finally, the fact that other ethnic groups see the marginalisation of the Igbos as relative or just a perception and not based on the objective realities on ground is a shame. The Nigerian army today cannot produce a bullet but the boys in Awka are producing not only bullets but guns. An unbiased Federal Government would have taken advantage of that and create employment as well as exporting to generate money for the country. With a little government encouragement, Aba can easily rival the industralised nations of the world in production. If Ndigbo won't be allowed to enjoy the freedom, to develop and maximise their collective andindividual potential through unfettered access, use and exploitation of God-given resources – human and material, the country might soon be plunged into another years of Biafra vs Nigeria and this time around, there will be a victor and a vanquished.
@blackboxupdate
Ghen Ghen! Chimamanda Adichie Has A Message For Oba Akiolu
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Responding to the threats the Oba of Lagos made against Igbo leaders, here is what Chimamanda Adichie has to say:
A few days ago, the Oba of Lagos threatened Igbo leaders. If they did not vote for his governorship candidate in Lagos, he said, they would be thrown into the lagoon. His entire speech was a flagrant performance of disregard. His words said, in effect: I think so little of you that I don't have to cajole you but will just threaten you and, by the way, your safety in Lagos is not assured, it is negotiable.
There have been condemnations of the Oba's words. Sadly, many of the condemnations from non-Igbo people have come with the ugly impatience of expressions like 'move on,' and 'don't be over-emotional' and 'calm down.' These take away the power, even the sincerity, of the condemnations. It is highhanded and offensive to tell an aggrieved person how to feel, or how quickly to forgive, just as an apology becomes a non-apology when it comes with 'now get over it.'
Other condemnations of the Oba's words have been couched in dismissive or diminishing language such as 'The Oba can't really do anything, he isn't actually going to kill anyone. He was joking. He was just being a loudmouth.'
Or – the basest yet – 'we are all prejudiced.' It is dishonest to respond to a specific act of prejudice by ignoring that act and instead stressing the generic and the general. It is similar to responding to a specific crime by saying 'we are all capable of crime.' Indeed we are. But responses such as these are diversionary tactics. They dismiss the specific act, diminish its importance, and ultimately aim at silencing the legitimate fears of people.
We are indeed all prejudiced, but that is not an appropriate response to an issue this serious. The Oba is not an ordinary citizen. He is a traditional ruler in a part of a country where traditional rulers command considerable influence – the reluctance on the part of many to directly chastise the Oba speaks to his power. The Oba's words matter. He is not a singular voice; he represents traditional authority. The Oba's words matter because they are enough to incite violence in a political setting already fraught with uncertainty. The Oba's words matter even more in the event that Ambode loses the governorship election, because it would then be easy to scapegoat Igbo people and hold them punishable.
Nigerians who consider themselves enlightened might dismiss the Oba's words as illogical. But the scapegoating of groups – which has a long history all over the world – has never been about logic. The Oba's words matter because they bring worrying echoes of the early 1960s in Nigeria, when Igbo people were scapegoated for political reasons. Chinua Achebe, when he finally accepted that Lagos, the city he called home, was unsafe for him because he was Igbo, saw crowds at the motor park taunting Igbo people as they boarded buses: 'Go, Igbo, go so that garri will be cheaper in Lagos!'
Of course Igbo people were not responsible for the cost of garri. But they were perceived as people who were responsible for a coup and who were 'taking over' and who, consequently, could be held responsible for everything bad.
Any group of people would understandably be troubled by a threat such as the Oba's, but the Igbo, because of their history in Nigeria, have been particularly troubled. And it is a recent history. There are people alive today who were publicly attacked in cosmopolitan Lagos in the 1960s because they were Igbo. Even people who were merely light-skinned were at risk of violence in Lagos markets, because to be light-skinned was to be mistaken for Igbo.
Almost every Nigerian ethnic group has a grouse of some sort with the Nigerian state. The Nigerian state has, by turns, been violent, unfair, neglectful, of different parts of the country. Almost every ethnic group has derogatory stereotypes attached to it by other ethnic groups.
But it is disingenuous to suggest that the experience of every ethnic group has been the same. Anti-Igbo violence began under the British colonial government, with complex roots and manifestations. But the end result is a certain psychic difference in the relationship of Igbo people to the Nigerian state. To be Igbo in Nigeria is constantly to be suspect; your national patriotism is never taken as the norm, you are continually expected to prove it.
All groups are conditioned by their specific histories. Perhaps another ethnic group would have reacted with less concern to the Oba's threat, because that ethnic group would not be conditioned by a history of being targets of violence, as the Igbo have been.
Many responses to the Oba's threat have mentioned the 'welcoming' nature of Lagos, and have made comparisons between Lagos and southeastern towns like Onitsha. It is valid to debate the ethnic diversity of different parts of Nigeria, to compare, for example, Ibadan and Enugu, Ado-Ekiti and Aba, and to debate who moves where, and who feels comfortable living where and why that is. But it is odd to pretend that Lagos is like any other city in Nigeria. It is not. The political history of Lagos and its development as the first national capital set it apart. Lagos is Nigeria's metropolis. There are ethnic Igbo people whose entire lives have been spent in Lagos, who have little or no ties to the southeast, who speak Yoruba better than Igbo. Should they, too, be reminded to be 'grateful' each time an election draws near?
No law-abiding Nigerian should be expected to show gratitude for living peacefully in any part of Nigeria. Landlords in Lagos should not, as still happens too often, be able to refuse to rent their property to Igbo people.
The Oba's words were disturbing, but its context is even more disturbing:
The anti-Igbo rhetoric that has been part of the political discourse since the presidential election results. Accusatory and derogatory language – using words like 'brainwashed,' 'tribalistic voting' – has been used to describe President Jonathan's overwhelming win in the southeast. All democracies have regions that vote in large numbers for one side, and even though parts of Northern Nigeria showed voting patterns similar to the Southeast, the opprobrium has been reserved for the Southeast.
But the rhetoric is about more than mere voting. It is really about citizenship. To be so entitled as to question the legitimacy of a people's choice in a democratic election is not only a sign of disrespect but is also a questioning of the full citizenship of those people.
What does it mean to be a Nigerian citizen?
When Igbo people are urged to be 'grateful' for being in Lagos, do they somehow have less of a right as citizens to live where they live? Every Nigerian should be able to live in any part of Nigeria. The only expectation for a Nigerian citizen living in any part of Nigeria is to be law-abiding. Not to be 'grateful.' Not to be expected to pay back some sort of unspoken favour by toeing a particular political line. Nigerian citizens can vote for whomever they choose, and should never be expected to justify or apologize for their choice.
Only by feeling a collective sense of ownership of Nigeria can we start to forge a nation. A nation is an idea. Nigeria is still in progress. To make this a nation, we must collectively agree on what citizenship means: all Nigerians must matter equally.
A few days ago, the Oba of Lagos threatened Igbo leaders. If they did not vote for his governorship candidate in Lagos, he said, they would be thrown into the lagoon. His entire speech was a flagrant performance of disregard. His words said, in effect: I think so little of you that I don't have to cajole you but will just threaten you and, by the way, your safety in Lagos is not assured, it is negotiable.
There have been condemnations of the Oba's words. Sadly, many of the condemnations from non-Igbo people have come with the ugly impatience of expressions like 'move on,' and 'don't be over-emotional' and 'calm down.' These take away the power, even the sincerity, of the condemnations. It is highhanded and offensive to tell an aggrieved person how to feel, or how quickly to forgive, just as an apology becomes a non-apology when it comes with 'now get over it.'
Other condemnations of the Oba's words have been couched in dismissive or diminishing language such as 'The Oba can't really do anything, he isn't actually going to kill anyone. He was joking. He was just being a loudmouth.'
Or – the basest yet – 'we are all prejudiced.' It is dishonest to respond to a specific act of prejudice by ignoring that act and instead stressing the generic and the general. It is similar to responding to a specific crime by saying 'we are all capable of crime.' Indeed we are. But responses such as these are diversionary tactics. They dismiss the specific act, diminish its importance, and ultimately aim at silencing the legitimate fears of people.
We are indeed all prejudiced, but that is not an appropriate response to an issue this serious. The Oba is not an ordinary citizen. He is a traditional ruler in a part of a country where traditional rulers command considerable influence – the reluctance on the part of many to directly chastise the Oba speaks to his power. The Oba's words matter. He is not a singular voice; he represents traditional authority. The Oba's words matter because they are enough to incite violence in a political setting already fraught with uncertainty. The Oba's words matter even more in the event that Ambode loses the governorship election, because it would then be easy to scapegoat Igbo people and hold them punishable.
Nigerians who consider themselves enlightened might dismiss the Oba's words as illogical. But the scapegoating of groups – which has a long history all over the world – has never been about logic. The Oba's words matter because they bring worrying echoes of the early 1960s in Nigeria, when Igbo people were scapegoated for political reasons. Chinua Achebe, when he finally accepted that Lagos, the city he called home, was unsafe for him because he was Igbo, saw crowds at the motor park taunting Igbo people as they boarded buses: 'Go, Igbo, go so that garri will be cheaper in Lagos!'
Of course Igbo people were not responsible for the cost of garri. But they were perceived as people who were responsible for a coup and who were 'taking over' and who, consequently, could be held responsible for everything bad.
Any group of people would understandably be troubled by a threat such as the Oba's, but the Igbo, because of their history in Nigeria, have been particularly troubled. And it is a recent history. There are people alive today who were publicly attacked in cosmopolitan Lagos in the 1960s because they were Igbo. Even people who were merely light-skinned were at risk of violence in Lagos markets, because to be light-skinned was to be mistaken for Igbo.
Almost every Nigerian ethnic group has a grouse of some sort with the Nigerian state. The Nigerian state has, by turns, been violent, unfair, neglectful, of different parts of the country. Almost every ethnic group has derogatory stereotypes attached to it by other ethnic groups.
But it is disingenuous to suggest that the experience of every ethnic group has been the same. Anti-Igbo violence began under the British colonial government, with complex roots and manifestations. But the end result is a certain psychic difference in the relationship of Igbo people to the Nigerian state. To be Igbo in Nigeria is constantly to be suspect; your national patriotism is never taken as the norm, you are continually expected to prove it.
All groups are conditioned by their specific histories. Perhaps another ethnic group would have reacted with less concern to the Oba's threat, because that ethnic group would not be conditioned by a history of being targets of violence, as the Igbo have been.
Many responses to the Oba's threat have mentioned the 'welcoming' nature of Lagos, and have made comparisons between Lagos and southeastern towns like Onitsha. It is valid to debate the ethnic diversity of different parts of Nigeria, to compare, for example, Ibadan and Enugu, Ado-Ekiti and Aba, and to debate who moves where, and who feels comfortable living where and why that is. But it is odd to pretend that Lagos is like any other city in Nigeria. It is not. The political history of Lagos and its development as the first national capital set it apart. Lagos is Nigeria's metropolis. There are ethnic Igbo people whose entire lives have been spent in Lagos, who have little or no ties to the southeast, who speak Yoruba better than Igbo. Should they, too, be reminded to be 'grateful' each time an election draws near?
No law-abiding Nigerian should be expected to show gratitude for living peacefully in any part of Nigeria. Landlords in Lagos should not, as still happens too often, be able to refuse to rent their property to Igbo people.
The Oba's words were disturbing, but its context is even more disturbing:
The anti-Igbo rhetoric that has been part of the political discourse since the presidential election results. Accusatory and derogatory language – using words like 'brainwashed,' 'tribalistic voting' – has been used to describe President Jonathan's overwhelming win in the southeast. All democracies have regions that vote in large numbers for one side, and even though parts of Northern Nigeria showed voting patterns similar to the Southeast, the opprobrium has been reserved for the Southeast.
But the rhetoric is about more than mere voting. It is really about citizenship. To be so entitled as to question the legitimacy of a people's choice in a democratic election is not only a sign of disrespect but is also a questioning of the full citizenship of those people.
What does it mean to be a Nigerian citizen?
When Igbo people are urged to be 'grateful' for being in Lagos, do they somehow have less of a right as citizens to live where they live? Every Nigerian should be able to live in any part of Nigeria. The only expectation for a Nigerian citizen living in any part of Nigeria is to be law-abiding. Not to be 'grateful.' Not to be expected to pay back some sort of unspoken favour by toeing a particular political line. Nigerian citizens can vote for whomever they choose, and should never be expected to justify or apologize for their choice.
Only by feeling a collective sense of ownership of Nigeria can we start to forge a nation. A nation is an idea. Nigeria is still in progress. To make this a nation, we must collectively agree on what citizenship means: all Nigerians must matter equally.
@blackboxupdate
#NigeriaDecides! Here Are The Top Contestants In Today's Guber Polls
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Apart from their state of residence, many Nigerians are clueless about the candidates for today's Gubernatorial elections in other states of the country.
To help you follow catch up, find below the list of top candidates going against each other in each states in today's elections.
To help you follow catch up, find below the list of top candidates going against each other in each states in today's elections.
The above image shows the states where governorship and assembly elections would be held today, while it also indicates states which would hold only state assembly polls. The FCT Abuja is the only place where elections wouldn't be held today.
ABIA
Alex Otti-APGA
Okezie Ikpeazu-PDP
ADAMAWA
Bindow Jibrilla-APC
Nuhu Ribadu-PDP
Marcus Gunduri-SDP
Ahmed Muhammed Modibbo-PDM
AKWA IBOM
Umana Okon Umana-APC
Emmanuel Udom Gabriel-PDP
BAUCHI
Muhammed Abdullahi Abubakar-APC
Jatau Muhammed Auwal-PDP
BENUE
Terhemen Tarzoor-PDP
Samuel Ortom-APC
BORNO
Kashim Shettima-APC
Gambo Lawan-PDP
CROSS RIVER
Odey Anthony Ochica-APC
Ayade Benedict-PDP
DELTA
Great Ovedje Ogboru-LP
Oghenetega Emerhor-APC
Okowa Ifeanyi Arthur-PDP
EBONYI
Julius Alli Ucha-APC
Nweze David Umahi-PDP
Agbo Anthony-APGA
ENUGU
Okey Ezea-APC
Chukwuka Ugwu-APGA
Ifeanyi Uguanyi Lawrence-PDP
GOMBE
Muhammad Inuwa Yahay-APC
Ibrahim Dan Kwambo-PDP
IMO
Rochas Okorocha-APC
Emeka Ihedioha-PDP
Ihenacho Emmanuel-APGA
JIGAWA
Muhammed Badaru Abubakar-APC
Aminu Ibrahim Ringim-PDP
KADUNA
Nasir El Rufai-APC
Ramalan Yero-PDP
KANO
Abdullahi Ganduje-APC
Salihu Sagir Takai-PDP
KATSINA
Aminu Bello Masari-APC
Musa Nashuni-PDP
Garba Yakubu Lado-PDM
KEBBI
Abubakar Atiku Bagudu-APC
Bello Sarkin Yaki-PDP
KWARA
Simon Sule Ajibola-PDP
Abdulfatah Ahmed-APC
Dr. Mike omotosho-Labour party
LAGOS
Akinwumi Ambode-APC
Jimi Agbaje-PDP
NASSARAWA
Umar Tanko Al-Makura-APC
Labaran Maku-APGA
Yusuf Igabi-PDP
NIGER
Abubakar Sani Bello-APC
Umar Nasko-PDP
OGUN
Ibikunle Amosun-APC
Adeboyega Nasiru Isiyaka-PDP
OYO
Teslim Folarin-PDP
Christopher Alao-Akala-LP
Rasheed Ladoja-Accord
Abiola Ajimobi-APC
PLATEAU
Simon Bako Lalaong-APC
Gyang Pwajok-PDP
RIVERS
Tonye Princewill-LP
Dakuku Peterside-APC
Nyesom Wike-PDP
SOKOTO
Aminu Tambuwal-APC
Abdallah Wali-PDP
TARABA
Aishatu Jummai Alhassan-APC
Darius Ishaku-PDP
David Sabo Kente-SDP
YOBE
Ibrahim Geidam-APC
Adamu Maina Waziri-PDP
ZAMFARA
Mahmud Aliyu Shinkafi-PDP
Abdulaziz Yari-APC
ABIA
Alex Otti-APGA
Okezie Ikpeazu-PDP
ADAMAWA
Bindow Jibrilla-APC
Nuhu Ribadu-PDP
Marcus Gunduri-SDP
Ahmed Muhammed Modibbo-PDM
AKWA IBOM
Umana Okon Umana-APC
Emmanuel Udom Gabriel-PDP
BAUCHI
Muhammed Abdullahi Abubakar-APC
Jatau Muhammed Auwal-PDP
BENUE
Terhemen Tarzoor-PDP
Samuel Ortom-APC
BORNO
Kashim Shettima-APC
Gambo Lawan-PDP
CROSS RIVER
Odey Anthony Ochica-APC
Ayade Benedict-PDP
DELTA
Great Ovedje Ogboru-LP
Oghenetega Emerhor-APC
Okowa Ifeanyi Arthur-PDP
EBONYI
Julius Alli Ucha-APC
Nweze David Umahi-PDP
Agbo Anthony-APGA
ENUGU
Okey Ezea-APC
Chukwuka Ugwu-APGA
Ifeanyi Uguanyi Lawrence-PDP
GOMBE
Muhammad Inuwa Yahay-APC
Ibrahim Dan Kwambo-PDP
IMO
Rochas Okorocha-APC
Emeka Ihedioha-PDP
Ihenacho Emmanuel-APGA
JIGAWA
Muhammed Badaru Abubakar-APC
Aminu Ibrahim Ringim-PDP
KADUNA
Nasir El Rufai-APC
Ramalan Yero-PDP
KANO
Abdullahi Ganduje-APC
Salihu Sagir Takai-PDP
KATSINA
Aminu Bello Masari-APC
Musa Nashuni-PDP
Garba Yakubu Lado-PDM
KEBBI
Abubakar Atiku Bagudu-APC
Bello Sarkin Yaki-PDP
KWARA
Simon Sule Ajibola-PDP
Abdulfatah Ahmed-APC
Dr. Mike omotosho-Labour party
LAGOS
Akinwumi Ambode-APC
Jimi Agbaje-PDP
NASSARAWA
Umar Tanko Al-Makura-APC
Labaran Maku-APGA
Yusuf Igabi-PDP
NIGER
Abubakar Sani Bello-APC
Umar Nasko-PDP
OGUN
Ibikunle Amosun-APC
Adeboyega Nasiru Isiyaka-PDP
OYO
Teslim Folarin-PDP
Christopher Alao-Akala-LP
Rasheed Ladoja-Accord
Abiola Ajimobi-APC
PLATEAU
Simon Bako Lalaong-APC
Gyang Pwajok-PDP
RIVERS
Tonye Princewill-LP
Dakuku Peterside-APC
Nyesom Wike-PDP
SOKOTO
Aminu Tambuwal-APC
Abdallah Wali-PDP
TARABA
Aishatu Jummai Alhassan-APC
Darius Ishaku-PDP
David Sabo Kente-SDP
YOBE
Ibrahim Geidam-APC
Adamu Maina Waziri-PDP
ZAMFARA
Mahmud Aliyu Shinkafi-PDP
Abdulaziz Yari-APC
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CDD Releases Background Paper on Nigerian Gubernatorial And Assembly Elections
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Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999 happened within the global context of a wave of democratization that saw many autocratic regimes end and electoral democracies begin. Critical domestic circumstances that included the sudden death of military head of state, General Sani Abacha (1993-98), and a resurgent pro-democracy movement created a crucial opening for Nigeria to begin the journey to political transformation. The current democratic dispensation is in its fourth electoral cycle and a culture of citizen engagement has begun to take root. Despite the numerous challenges confronting the institutionalization of a strong democratic ethos, particularly in relation to the conduct of credible and violence-free elections, election management and citizen participation in the electoral process have improved over the years. Following the conduct of the March 28, 2015 national elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), won the presidential vote, as well as 64 of 109 senate seats and 214 of 360 House of Representatives seats in the National Assembly. As a result of this outcome, the incoming APC-led federal government will enjoy a majority in the legislative arm of government. There are some likely implications of the APC's victory in the Presidential and National Assembly election on the upcoming Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections scheduled for April 11, 2015. Nigeria's electoral history has shown that voters in state-level elections are often inclined to voting for the governing political party at the national level. There is the likelihood that the APC's success at the recent polls will trigger a chain of similar results in the upcoming elections. So far the dominance of the APC at the national level and its potential impact on voting patterns at the state level has created a crisis of confidence within the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) which could result in more fraught competition between both major political parties that may lead to possible electoral conflict. Following the logistical and technical challenges experienced during the March 28 national elections, INEC has assured Nigerians that it has addressed the causes of these problems and is fully ready to manage the Governorship and House of Assembly elections. Furthermore, the security agencies have also assured Nigerians of their preparedness to ensure a peaceful election. Where the Governorship and House of Assembly Elections will hold? While governorship elections will be held in 29 states, State Houses of Assembly elections will take place in 36 states, both on April 11, 2015. The staggered elections in the 7 states highlighted in white above is as a result of court rulings that upturned election victories after the 2007 general elections and changed their governorship election cycles. Governorship Elections and Party Performance (1999-2011) An analysis of voting patterns and outcomes of governorship elections in Nigeria over the past four electoral cycles reveals that the PDP has maintained a consistent lead. The PDP has successfully won more than 20 states in each of the elections from 1999 to 2011. The number of states governed by the PDP peaked at 28 (77.8%) in 2003, but began to decrease in 2007 to 24 (66.7%) and then 23 (63.4%) in the 2011_ elections. A look at geographical spread of political parties' performance at governorship elections also reveals that between 1999 and 2011, PDP maintained the broadest spread. Fig. 2 shows that the PDP won landslide in all states of the South-South and South-East geo-political zones in 1999 and had 3 states each in North-Central and North-East as well as 4 states in the North-West. Although, the Alliance for Democracy (AD) won elections in all the states of the South-West in 1999 as shown in Fig. 2, the PDP was able defeat the AD in five of the six states of that zone in 2003. In the same election, the PDP won all six states in the North-Central and made significant gains in the North-East; winning Bauchi but losing Kano state (North-West) to the All Nigeria Peoples' Party (ANPP). As the governing party recorded a remarkable performance during governorship elections between 1999 and 2011, similar successes were recorded during state houses of assembly elections. The dominance of the PDP in state-level politics since 1999 was linked to the party's control of political power at the national level. Following its recent defeat in the keenly contested 2015 presidential elections, there seems to be an important shift in public opinion and support away from the PDP which could mean a stronger inclination among Nigerian voters to cast their ballots for the APC during the governorship and state houses of assembly elections in April 11, 2015. The ongoing mass defection of PDP members across state chapters of the party to the APC is indicative of an internal crisis of confidence and an attempt by some politicians to benefit from the bandwagon effect of the APC's recent national victory on voting patterns in the upcoming state elections. Electoral Conflicts and 2015 Governorship and State House of Assembly Elections Since 1999, most states in Nigeria have witnessed varying degrees of electoral conflict. In a recent report by the Nigeria Human Rights Commission (NHRC) following the March 28, 2015 national elections, it was revealed that several cases of violence and security breaches led to the death of over 50 people. According to the report, acts of violence resulting in fatalities were reported in Akwa Ibom, Borno, Bauchi, Edo, Gombe, Lagos, Osun, Rivers, and Yobe States_. This aligns with CDD's 2015 Elections and the Geography of Electoral Conflicts, which highlighted these patterns and trends. Following the March 28 elections, the following states are further highlighted as potential flashpoints: South West: Ekiti and Lagos States In Lagos state, competition between the APC and PDP is at an all time high as evidenced in the unexpected close results of the presidential elections. This has brought to the fore latent ethnic tensions. In Ekiti state, the political crisis in the State House of Assembly has degenerated into violence and this is expected to spill over into the forthcoming state House of Assembly election. South-South: Rivers and Akwa Ibom States The current fierce political feud between APC and PDP supporters has the likelihood of triggering conflict during the state elections. North-Central: Nasarawa and Benue States In Nasarawa state, party competition and ethno-religious tensions are key indicators of the likelihood of political violence during the election. The party competition between APC and PDP and the mass defection of PDP members to APC in Benue state is indicative of the high stakes in the election. By INEC's own account, Benue state witnessed the highest level of election-related destruction on March 28 resulting in the loss of 200 card readers, two INEC offices and the death of one of its staff. North West: Kaduna State Party rivalry between APC and PDP in Kaduna state is very intense. There have been several instances of clashes during the campaigns highlighting the extremely volatile nature of politics in the state. Any election-related violence may trigger already existing ethno-religious tensions.
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Ekiti First Lady Laments Increasing Number Of Abandoned Babies In Refuse Dumps
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The wife of Ekiti governor, Mrs Feyisetan Fayose, on Thursday condemned the act of dumping babies on refuse heaps. She spoke during a visit to the Erelu Angela Adebayo Children Home at Iyin-Ekiti in Irepodun/Ifelodun Local Government Area of the state.
" Those mothers in the habit of abandoning their responsibilities to their children or babies are incurring the wrath of God. " Mothers who are unable to take care of their babies should drop them at the motherless babies home through due process instead of dumping them on refuse heaps," she said.
She lamented the rampant cases of abandonment of babies and urged stakeholders to assist in taking care of abandoned children as government could not do this alone. Fayose also expressed satisfaction with the condition of the babies at the home and thanked the matrons for taking good care of them.
" Those mothers in the habit of abandoning their responsibilities to their children or babies are incurring the wrath of God. " Mothers who are unable to take care of their babies should drop them at the motherless babies home through due process instead of dumping them on refuse heaps," she said.
She lamented the rampant cases of abandonment of babies and urged stakeholders to assist in taking care of abandoned children as government could not do this alone. Fayose also expressed satisfaction with the condition of the babies at the home and thanked the matrons for taking good care of them.
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APC Orders Supporters To Defy Police Curfew In Adamawa
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The All Progressives Congress has directed its members and supporters in Adamawa State to defy the curfew imposed by the state police command.
The APC described the curfew as unlawful.
The Adamawa Police Commissioner, Gabriel Adaji, had on Friday addressed journalists in Yola, the capital city, announcing the imposition of a dusk-to-dawn curfew, beginning Sunday to Tuesday.
Mr. Adaji said the decision was taken at a crucial inter-agency security meeting and was aimed at curtailing the breakdown of law and order.
He said the decision was taken "to avert some nasty experiences encountered when the Presidential elections result was announced when miscreants hijacked the celebrations".
He said the "the police will enforce the dusk-to-dawn curfew and anyone found wanting will be dealt with".
But in a swift response via a statement issued in Lagos on Friday by its National Publicity Secretary, Lai Mohammed, the APC said there was no threat to security in the state to warrant the imposition of curfew.
It said the Presidential and National Assembly elections were held without incident or declaration of curfew, wondering what warranted the unlawful curfew declaration.
"Imposing an unlawful curfew with effect from when voting ends on Saturday is suspect and unacceptable. We are therefore asking all our members and supporters to ignore the curfew, come out en masse to vote and also stay back to defend their votes," APC said.
The APC described the curfew as unlawful.
The Adamawa Police Commissioner, Gabriel Adaji, had on Friday addressed journalists in Yola, the capital city, announcing the imposition of a dusk-to-dawn curfew, beginning Sunday to Tuesday.
Mr. Adaji said the decision was taken at a crucial inter-agency security meeting and was aimed at curtailing the breakdown of law and order.
He said the decision was taken "to avert some nasty experiences encountered when the Presidential elections result was announced when miscreants hijacked the celebrations".
He said the "the police will enforce the dusk-to-dawn curfew and anyone found wanting will be dealt with".
But in a swift response via a statement issued in Lagos on Friday by its National Publicity Secretary, Lai Mohammed, the APC said there was no threat to security in the state to warrant the imposition of curfew.
It said the Presidential and National Assembly elections were held without incident or declaration of curfew, wondering what warranted the unlawful curfew declaration.
"Imposing an unlawful curfew with effect from when voting ends on Saturday is suspect and unacceptable. We are therefore asking all our members and supporters to ignore the curfew, come out en masse to vote and also stay back to defend their votes," APC said.
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Army Recovers Ballot Boxes, Hundreds Of PVCs In Delta
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MEN of the 222 Battalion, Agbarha-Otor, Ughelli North Local Government Area of Delta State have recovered 8 Ballot Boxes and 310 Permanent Voters Card, PVCs from suspected political thugs who tried to use them for election irregularities during the March 28 presidential and national assembly elections.
Addressing newsmen Friday during a show of force exercise aimed at reassuring electorates of the commitment of security agencies in protecting them during and after the governorship and state House of Assembly election, the Commanding Officer of the battalion, Lt. Col. Mathew Oyekola stated that owing to the success of the exercise, the system has deemed it fit for it to be repeated ahead of the April 11 elections.
He said: "As a command, we made series of successes in stemming the tide of election irregularities by arresting some persons who wanted to perpetrate violence as well as the recovery of 8 ballot boxes and 310 PVCs at Ndokwa East Local Government Area.
"The suspects and the electoral materials have since been handed over to the police and the Returning Officer for the LGA."
Areas covered by the show of force exercise include; Ughelli North, Ughelli South, Isoko North, Isoko South and Ethiope East.
Others are Ndokwa East, Ndokwa West, Bomadi and Burutu Local Government Areas.
Addressing newsmen Friday during a show of force exercise aimed at reassuring electorates of the commitment of security agencies in protecting them during and after the governorship and state House of Assembly election, the Commanding Officer of the battalion, Lt. Col. Mathew Oyekola stated that owing to the success of the exercise, the system has deemed it fit for it to be repeated ahead of the April 11 elections.
He said: "As a command, we made series of successes in stemming the tide of election irregularities by arresting some persons who wanted to perpetrate violence as well as the recovery of 8 ballot boxes and 310 PVCs at Ndokwa East Local Government Area.
"The suspects and the electoral materials have since been handed over to the police and the Returning Officer for the LGA."
Areas covered by the show of force exercise include; Ughelli North, Ughelli South, Isoko North, Isoko South and Ethiope East.
Others are Ndokwa East, Ndokwa West, Bomadi and Burutu Local Government Areas.
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Elections Postponed In Bayelsa
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The Independent National Electoral Commission has postponed the State House of Assembly elections in eight of the 24 constituencies of Bayelsa State.
The state Resident Electoral Commissioner, Mr. Baritor Kpagih, said in a statement on Friday that the elections for the affected constituencies would hold on Saturday, April 18, 2015.
The affected councils are Ekeremor Constituencies 1, 2, and 3; Kolokuma/Opokuma Constituencies 1 and 2; Sagbama Constituencies 1 and 2 and Southern Ijaw Constituency 1.
Kpagih said however that the election would hold as scheduled in the rest 16 constituencies on Saturday.
Curiously, the REC was silent on the reason for the decision to postpone the election by one week.
He simply stated that the elections were shifted because of the position of stakeholders that elections should not hold 'without full complements of the ballots papers.'
He said, "Following the stand of the stakeholders that no election should take place in the state without full complement of ballot papers, having regard to the total PVCs distributed, the state House of Assembly election slated for Saturday, the 11th of April, 2015, in Bayelsa State has been rescheduled to Saturday the 18th day of April, 2015."
It was however revealed that the political parties and their candidates insisted on the postponement of the election because of serious discrepancies in the ballot papers for the constituencies.
It was further gathered that the number of ballot papers sent to the constituencies was inadequate.
For instance, INEC was said to have sent only 13,000 ballot papers out 27,000 to Southern Ijaw Constituency 1, thereby creating a short fall of 14,000 ballot papers for the election.
Also, only 5,000 ballot papers were available at the headquarters of the Ekeremor Constituency 3, for the election that was billed to be conducted with 15,000 ballot papers.
Already, there is mounting suspicion that there could be a covert plan to rig the election even before its conduct on Saturday.
The same situation which ignited suspicion in the various political parties was repeated in the seven affected constituencies.
The state Resident Electoral Commissioner, Mr. Baritor Kpagih, said in a statement on Friday that the elections for the affected constituencies would hold on Saturday, April 18, 2015.
The affected councils are Ekeremor Constituencies 1, 2, and 3; Kolokuma/Opokuma Constituencies 1 and 2; Sagbama Constituencies 1 and 2 and Southern Ijaw Constituency 1.
Kpagih said however that the election would hold as scheduled in the rest 16 constituencies on Saturday.
Curiously, the REC was silent on the reason for the decision to postpone the election by one week.
He simply stated that the elections were shifted because of the position of stakeholders that elections should not hold 'without full complements of the ballots papers.'
He said, "Following the stand of the stakeholders that no election should take place in the state without full complement of ballot papers, having regard to the total PVCs distributed, the state House of Assembly election slated for Saturday, the 11th of April, 2015, in Bayelsa State has been rescheduled to Saturday the 18th day of April, 2015."
It was however revealed that the political parties and their candidates insisted on the postponement of the election because of serious discrepancies in the ballot papers for the constituencies.
It was further gathered that the number of ballot papers sent to the constituencies was inadequate.
For instance, INEC was said to have sent only 13,000 ballot papers out 27,000 to Southern Ijaw Constituency 1, thereby creating a short fall of 14,000 ballot papers for the election.
Also, only 5,000 ballot papers were available at the headquarters of the Ekeremor Constituency 3, for the election that was billed to be conducted with 15,000 ballot papers.
Already, there is mounting suspicion that there could be a covert plan to rig the election even before its conduct on Saturday.
The same situation which ignited suspicion in the various political parties was repeated in the seven affected constituencies.
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Kidnapped Orekoya Kids! Lessons Learnt
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The crime rate in the country is on the constant increase and one needs to be careful of who or what they are dealing with on a daily basis, especially with very sensitive issues such as life and care-giving.
A nanny was recently reported to have kidnapped three children barely 24 hours after she was employed and from all indications, the family got enough red flags against employing her, but still went ahead regardless.
The first pointer was the fact that, "She was gotten from OLX".
OLX is sadly synonymous with fraud, the worst kind of it. It is bad enough that electronic gadgets are the most played scam on the platform, and now it's become human beings.
The second pointer is the fact that they noticed that "She looked older than her age and had a different accent from where she said she was from". What other indication was needed to reveal that she was a fraud. She lied about everything from the onset. Such, even if overlooked, should be kept under scrutiny for at least some days before being comfortable enough to leave her with the kids alone.
The third pointer is that her purported relative, "gave a vague description of where they lived in Ikorodu". Once you notice there is a certain form of uncertainty in the information given to you as to the relations of someone you intend to leave your household to be catered to, there is cause for alarm.
The fourth pointer was the fact that someone who said she wanted to save up for her schooling, came cheaper than your previous maid. We have a certain notion and mindset in Nigeria, as sad as it may be, that something that comes cheaper isn't genuine. Why couldn't the same be applied to a human?
One doesn't need to be told that this decision to keep the nanny was a no-go area after these were discovered but due to desperation, they were overlooked and left to fate.
Two discrepancies noticed from what the family did as regards getting a nanny was, they didn't enquire the state of health and well being of the person they were leaving in care of their children. The family was in such a hurry to get someone to look after their kids while they were gone to work, they didn't bother to do a blood test to know if she had contracted any form of disease that can be passed on to her children.
Secondly, you do not, for whatever reason, leave someone you just contracted alone with your kids without at least understudying her experience for at least a week. You just don't! What if she was lying about her experience or her entire life like the nanny in question? What if she poisons your kids mistakenly? Does she know how to administer first aid?
A lot of families take things as dire as this without an iota of seriousness.
They just believe things should fall in place as they should, after all they are paying for it.
The catering of a home especially one that involves children should be considered top priority amongst other things because whether you like it or not, this person is a total stranger.
We have heard cases of maids who end up beating up and even killing their wards, how much more if you had every indication from the onset of the dangers of who you are getting.
At this point, we can only pray for the safe return of the Orekoya children.
A nanny was recently reported to have kidnapped three children barely 24 hours after she was employed and from all indications, the family got enough red flags against employing her, but still went ahead regardless.
The first pointer was the fact that, "She was gotten from OLX".
OLX is sadly synonymous with fraud, the worst kind of it. It is bad enough that electronic gadgets are the most played scam on the platform, and now it's become human beings.
The second pointer is the fact that they noticed that "She looked older than her age and had a different accent from where she said she was from". What other indication was needed to reveal that she was a fraud. She lied about everything from the onset. Such, even if overlooked, should be kept under scrutiny for at least some days before being comfortable enough to leave her with the kids alone.
The third pointer is that her purported relative, "gave a vague description of where they lived in Ikorodu". Once you notice there is a certain form of uncertainty in the information given to you as to the relations of someone you intend to leave your household to be catered to, there is cause for alarm.
The fourth pointer was the fact that someone who said she wanted to save up for her schooling, came cheaper than your previous maid. We have a certain notion and mindset in Nigeria, as sad as it may be, that something that comes cheaper isn't genuine. Why couldn't the same be applied to a human?
One doesn't need to be told that this decision to keep the nanny was a no-go area after these were discovered but due to desperation, they were overlooked and left to fate.
Two discrepancies noticed from what the family did as regards getting a nanny was, they didn't enquire the state of health and well being of the person they were leaving in care of their children. The family was in such a hurry to get someone to look after their kids while they were gone to work, they didn't bother to do a blood test to know if she had contracted any form of disease that can be passed on to her children.
Secondly, you do not, for whatever reason, leave someone you just contracted alone with your kids without at least understudying her experience for at least a week. You just don't! What if she was lying about her experience or her entire life like the nanny in question? What if she poisons your kids mistakenly? Does she know how to administer first aid?
A lot of families take things as dire as this without an iota of seriousness.
They just believe things should fall in place as they should, after all they are paying for it.
The catering of a home especially one that involves children should be considered top priority amongst other things because whether you like it or not, this person is a total stranger.
We have heard cases of maids who end up beating up and even killing their wards, how much more if you had every indication from the onset of the dangers of who you are getting.
At this point, we can only pray for the safe return of the Orekoya children.
@blackboxupdate
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